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due diligence

Back from the Secret Space Program conference 2014

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Back from the Secret Space Program conference 2014

The 2014 Secret Space Program and Breakaway Civilizations conference has come to a close, but the ideas and conversations that it has sparked are just getting started.

In the near future, I hope to post some thoughts concerning specific aspects of the many excellent presentations.

It was an unforgettable weekend and I met some wonderful people. Special thanks to everyone who came up and introduced themselves to me at the Redwood Hall during the "intermissions" throughout the weekend -- I very much enjoyed our conversations and hope to continue them in the future!

Also, thanks to those who purchased copies of The Undying Stars (and copies of the Mathisen Corollary!) -- I truly hope that you enjoy reading them.

There really is something extremely important about interacting face-to-face and in-person with other men and women which simply cannot be replicated by any technology. I often use the analogy of playing basketball or other team sports -- practicing individually on skills can only take someone so far: there are certain things that can only improve through interaction with others. Events such as this year's Secret Space Program conference are tremendous opportunities to "play" with people who can really help elevate your game, because so many of the attendees have been thinking about and wrestling with these topics at a very high level for so many years, and interacting with others during that time as well.

We all have different backgrounds, life experiences, areas of interest and areas of specialization, talents and gifts to bring to bear on these questions, and when we share conversations with each other we can all benefit.

Catherine Austin Fitts (one of the speakers at the conference, of course -- you won't want to miss her presentation if it is posted to the web in the coming days or weeks) discussed during her most-recent Red Ice interview the importance of gathering in person with other individuals in events such as this year's conference. Towards the end of the second hour, she and Henrik had the following interchange:

Catherine Austin Fitts: Each time you let the market work, something amazing would happen -- because there is nothing more powerful than group intelligence, and I don't know if you've ever studied Rupert Sheldrake . . .

Henrik Palmgren: Oh, sure! We've had him on, yeah.

Catherine Austin Fitts: Yeah -- fabulous stuff, and it's really true. There is a, you know, extraordinary things that happen when the group intelligence goes to work. And, if I look at our current situation [i.e. in which "the big picture" is purposely hidden from the majority of the population, and deliberate lies and cover-ups are offered instead of the actual available evidence -- DM], one of the things that I find so painful, is . . . the group intelligence is not being allowed to go to work.

Henrik Palmgren: Exactly.

Catherine Austin Fitts: If you look at the amount of money spent on entrainment, and spent on manipulation, and spent on encouraging people -- you know, we've "puppy trained" the whole western world to believe that they can only unleash their creativity on consumer goods and social media, as opposed to the real problems of the world. And that's such a painful thing to watch -- because it's such a dumbing-down and a marginalization of a very amazing group of people. And if we could let the group intelligence go to work in a way that was aligning with the leadership, I think something remarkable could happen. And so the question is, can our group intelligence be powerful enough to sort of overcome all the disinformation and all the, you know, the entrainment, and instead go to work on really coming up with something that could work for all concerned? I don't know -- but I think I agree with you, I think you have to start with the truth. And I think the group intelligence can handle the truth.

[. . .]

But I for one find there's something magical that happens when you get a lot of -- you know, if you look at the people who are coming to this conference and speaking, these are people who've spent a lifetime trying to find the truth. And they all have very rich knowledge in different areas. And I find that when you come together in person, you know and there's sort of an intimacy of communication that happens: you get a sharing, and you get . . . you almost create a new field. So I for one am sort of hoping that we get breakthrough insights about what's going on and what we can do about it that are really, that enrich all of our work.


I could not agree more with the assertions about the finding that "there's something magical that happens" when people come together in person, and the intimacy of communication that is not available through any other medium (as amazing as our technology has become for sharing ideas and having conversations over great distances -- capabilities which are vitally important in their own way and enable platforms such as Red Ice and others which have done so much to create forums to share ideas worldwide).

Catherine asserts in these statements that the product of such in-person interaction can lead to entirely new "breakthrough insights," insights which can enrich all of our work. This was certainly true for me during the past weekend at the conference. Thanks are due to all the speakers who came and shared, and to all the participants in the conference on every level for creating together that magical environment.

image: Wikimedia commons (link)

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A new theory on chemtrails proposed by Mark McCandlish

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A new theory on chemtrails proposed by Mark McCandlish

At the Secret Space Program and Breakaway Civilizations conference all day today -- terrific talks and discussion from all the speakers.

My brain pan is spinning at such a velocity after listening to so many thought-provoking conversations in one day that I can barely write a coherent post! It will definitely take time to slowly chew over and digest some of the concepts that were introduced today, but many of them resonate with the subjects examined in The Undying Stars, and there should be some posts appearing here in the near future exploring some of those connections.

However, one of the comments Mark McCandlish made towards the very end of the day (if you didn't stay until 9 pm, you probably missed this one) was something I had not considered before and wanted to "re-broadcast" right away, as something worthy of wider discussion and consideration.

Mr. McCandlish discussed a great many extremely important subjects today, most of which involved what might be called "exotic technologies" and propulsion systems, how those might work and how it is possible that they have been in existence for many years -- with capabilities that are absolutely mind-blowing. This subject is of course absolutely central to all of the topics being examined at this conference, and the work Mr. McCandlish has done in gathering the evidence, thinking about it and researching it and discussing it with others for many years, as well as using his considerable artistic and technical illustration talents to communicate the principles that may be at work, entitle him to all of our respect and deep gratitude.

But, it is obvious that Mr. McCandlish (along with some of the other speakers) also cares deeply about the question of chemtrails, and towards the end of the evening he took the opportunity to respond to a question or comment from the audience about this subject, and to provide a possible explanation for their purpose which I had not heard nor considered previously, and one which is very intriguing to consider.

He said (and I am paraphrasing here) that he has been considering the possibility -- and has arrived at the conclusion -- that the spraying of highly reflective particles into the atmosphere may well be serving as the equivalent of chaff, a countermeasure employed by aircraft during military missions in order to throw up reflective signals which create big "clouds" on enemy radar screens, helping to prevent enemy radar operators from identifying the precise location of the aircraft throwing out the chaff.

But, while conventional chaff is used to mask an airplane from radar, my understanding of the theory Mark McCandlish articulated at the end of the evening in day one of the Secret Space Program conference is that he believes that the blankets of reflective material spread across the sky as chemtrails may be used to "disguise exotic propulsion" by craft which are already using technologies which may mask them from radar and which may also be using technologies which mask them to some degree from our ordinary vision.

In fact, he described seeing one such craft himself, which was almost invisible to the naked eye, but whose outlines could be barely discerned due to the fact that it was sunset at the time of the sighting and some of the edges of the cylindrical craft were outlined by a thin line of reflection (if the video of the Q&A discussion from the end of the day is posted online at some point, I will try to come back later and link to that video here so that others can hear the exact description of this incident in Mr. McCandlish's own words).

Previous posts on this blog have examined the chemtrail phenomenon, including possible explanations, but none of the explanations I have ever encountered have included the possibility that chemtrails may be being laid down in areas where secret craft using exotic propulsion systems or other exotic technologies are known to operate (including in Southern California, where I frequently see heavy chemtrail activity).

Some of those previous posts have included photographs I took myself showing trails which are very difficult to explain away as "normal condensation trails left by jetliners." This ludicrous explanation continues to be propagated as the rational explanation behind the "chemtrail conspiracy theory" on conventional-paradigm-defending sites such as Wikipedia (search for the word "chemtrail" on Wikipedia and you will be redirected to a page entitled "chemtrail conspiracy theory" which condescendingly declares that, "Although proponents have attempted to prove that the claimed chemical spraying does take place, their analyses have been flawed or based on misconception" and "Scientists and government officials around the world have repeatedly needed to confirm that supposed chemtrails are in fact normal contrails" -- Wikipedia, 06/29/2014, 01:05am Pacific).

The image above is one that I photographed myself just this past week, over the distinctive "morro" mountain features of San Luis Obispo, California (photo taken on Monday, June 23, at 1609 hours, from my bicycle). If someone can explain how, in the words of the patronizing Wikipedia entry, the above photograph can possibly be explained by someone who maintains that "supposed chemtrails are in fact normal contrails," I'd be interested in their written analysis (the author of such an explanation is invited to post it on the web and link to it on my Twitter or Facebook account so that readers can evaluate the argument for themselves).

Is the jet plane producing the supposedly "normal contrail" in the above image just giving its San Francisco-bound passengers coming up the coast from LA a few little "extra scenic S-turns over San Luis Obispo"? Have you ever been on a jetliner that decided to take a few S-curves like this for some reason? Perhaps the captain came over the address system and said something like, "Well, folks, we've reached our cruising altitude here, and those of you on the left side of the aircraft should be able to see the beautiful waters of the Pacific and the famous Morro Rock -- and let me just do a few big meandering curves all over the sky to let you really take that in, and to give our passengers on the right side of the aircraft a chance to get out their iPads and take some photos of it too."

It might be argued that some kind of strange wind effect operating on one particular part of the sky created one of the big loops in the trail above, but which direction would that wind effect be coming from? The problem with the above photo is that it has not one but two big "bights" in the trail, and so if one wishes to explain it as a product of some kind of wind phenomenon, it would seem that two unusual wind streams would be required, one essentially blowing away from the camera (on the right side of the photo as we look at it), and one more blowing towards the camera to create the bight on the left side of the photo as we look at it.

I can attest to the fact that this photograph has not been "shopped" or retouched in any way -- it was taken from my inexpensive phone and then posted directly here -- it has been sitting on my phone untouched since this past Monday. If you still believe that "supposed chemtrails are in fact normal contrails" after examining the photograph above (as well as some of the others in the previous posts linked below), then I'd be interested in reading your arguments as to why my assertion that the photo above clearly proves that these are not just "normal contrails" produced by normal aircraft is incorrect.

Previous posts from this blog on the subject of chemtrails include:

Mark McCandlish's suggestion, which provides a clear connection between the as-yet-unexplained (but undeniable) phenomenon of chemtrails and the test-flights (or operational flights) of secret craft with exotic propulsion systems and equally exotic cloaking technologies is compelling, and worthy of greater consideration and wider discussion. Again, this was by no means his central point of discussion today, and his other points are extremely important and presented with a clarity that was most impressive, but this assertion made at the very end of the day also deserves to be noted.

On the other hand, the unsupported arguments on Wikipedia and other conventional-paradigm outlets that chemtrails simply represent "normal contrails" and that all the "conspiracy theories" suggesting otherwise can be waved away with the unsupported assertion that "their analyses have been flawed or based on misconception" are barely worthy of rebuttal.

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Ten reasons to suspect a close connection between ancient Roman Mithraism and ancient Roman Christianity


























image: Mithraeum located under the Basilica of San Clemente, Rome. Wikimedia commons (link).

Conventional scholars continue to debate the origin of the Roman cult of Sol Invictus Mithras, which (based upon the archaeological evidence of the mithraea) arose circa AD 100 and ends in AD 396.  Although scholars today are more circumspect in their pronouncements regarding the origins of this institution than they have been in previous decades (prior to the 1970s), it is still common for well-regarded Mithraic scholars to assert that Mithraism and Christianity were bitter rivals.

For instance, this essay published in a collection in 1994 tells us that: "Between the second and fourth centuries C.E. Mithraism may have vied with Christianity for domination of the Roman world." The author continues:
The Christians' view of this rival religion is extremely negative, because they regarded it as a demonic mockery of their own faith.  One also learns of Mithraism from brief statements in classical Greek and Roman authors.
While it is certainly true that Christian polemicists, including Tertullian, attacked Mithraism on these grounds, this does not necessarily indicate that the two systems were indeed at cross-purposes. Author Flavio Barbiero, whose work is discussed in The Undying Stars and in this previous post, has put forward a theory which argues that the cult of Sol Invictus Mithras was actually the secret society through which decisions were made and strategy enacted to gain control of the "command-and-control" centers of the Roman Empire, and that this exclusive institution, whose proceedings were kept entirely secret, operated in the background, using literalist Christianity as a public and nonexclusive shield -- one that it controlled, and one that would take the brunt of those who wanted to stand against the underground campaign.

Flavio Barbiero offers a host of evidence to support this view of events, and the conclusion that this campaign was ultimately tremendously successful -- successful to the point that it shaped European history and then world history for the following seventeen centuries, and continues to do so to this day. The following points are taken from his 2010 publication The Secret Society of Moses: The Mosaic Bloodline and a Conspiracy Spanning Three Millennia. Many of these pieces of evidence are also discussed in his 2010 article entitled "Mithras and Jesus: Two sides of the same coin" on the website of Graham Hancock. 

Note that the following points are not intended to be aimed at any particular branch of Christianity as it has existed since the fourth century, but rather to shed light upon the possible origins of all of literalist Christianity, which deliberately chose to take a very different approach to the interpretation of the Biblical scriptures, and one which intentionally cut itself off from all the "pagan" traditions of the world as well as from the esoteric, gnostic, Sethian, Valentinian and Hermetic forms of Christianity which existed prior to this juncture in history.
  • Mithraism was neither a "religion" nor a "mystery cult" -- unlike other ancient religions, it was extremely exclusive and met in special mithraea which were so small that, "At most, forty people could be seated in each of them" (158). The majority of mithraea could not hold more than twenty.
  • Numerous mithraea have been found underneath ancient Christian basilica or churches, indicating that there may have been some kind of symbiotic connection between the leadership of the cult of Sol Invictus Mithras and that of the Christian church. While it is possible to explain this fact away by saying that the Christian church triumphantly took over the sites of its old rival and built churches on top of their sacred sites (as it later did around the world), there is evidence that this explanation was not the case for Mithraism and Christianity. Specifically, Barbiero notes that the Basilica of St. Peter on Vatican Hill was built above the Phrygianum, the most central mithraeum in Roman Mithraism, where the "Father of Fathers" (head of the entire order of Sol Invictus Mithras) held sway. Most significantly, the Christian Basilica of St. Peter was built by the emperor Constantine in AD 322, but the last "Father of Fathers" of Mithraism did not die until AD 384, and he continued to use the mithraeum in the Phrygianum for all those years! It would be remarkable if these two supposedly "rival religions" coexisted for even two years with their "headquarters" co-located, but the dates indicate that this coexistance lasted for sixty-two years. Barbiero writes: 
In this light, we are forced to conclude that Sol Invictus Mithras and Christianity were not two religions in competition, as we often read, but were two institutions of a different nature that were closely connected. Rather than being a simple hypothesis, this is practically a certainty. It is unthinkable that the Roman church continued to extend hospitality to the head of a rival pagan religion for more than half a century and at the heart of its most exclusive property, the basilica dedicated to the prince of apostles. The Mithraic pater patrum and the bishop of Rome must necessarily have been closely linked. 163-164.
  • As the passage just cited indicates, the title of the supreme head of the Mithraic organization was pater patrum, or "Father of Fathers." The Mithraic system had a hierarchy of seven Mithraic grades, with the highest being the Pater or "Father" (the head of any particular mithraeum). The head of the entire system, of all the Mithraic "lodges," was the "Father of Fathers," or pater patrum (pa-pa, for short). It is most significant that, after the death of the last Mithraic pater patrum, in AD 384, the bishop of Rome adopted this same title, which is still used to this day (and which is rendered in English "the Pope," but in Italian and Spanish is still papa). This evidence is discussed in Barbiero, 163 and elsewhere.
  • As part of the same discussion, Flavio Barbiero notes that specific aspects of Mithraic ritual and attire were adopted into the rituals of Christianity, including the distinctive headgear of Christian bishops, which is still called a mitre, a word with linguistic connections to Mithras or Mitra.   
  • There is powerful evidence of early prominent Christian leaders who were also members of the Sol Invictus Mithras organization, right up to the point that they declared themselves Christians, or took holy orders to become high-ranking leaders of Christianity. The most prominent of these whom Barbiero notes is the emperor Constantine himself (Barbiero, 166-167). Others include St. Ambrose, whom Barbiero notes "passes directly from being a pagan to being bishop of one of the most important sees of the period" (166). St. Ambrose was the son of a father who was a member of Sol Invictus Mithras, as was the Christian apologist and polemicist Tertullian (AD 160 - AD 225), as well as church fathers St. Jerome and St. Augustine (Barbiero 167-168). This fact is highly significant and indicates that these early Christian "Fathers" were descended from the same family lines that Barbiero discusses in his thesis.
  • Constantine continued minting coins with clear Sol Invictus symbology and imagery, even after his vision of the heavenly "Chi-Rho" sign in some cases minted coins containing both sets of symbology, Christian and Mithraic. This is a clear indication that the two systems were not actually seen as antagonistic, at least during the early stages of establishing Christianity as official to the empire (later, Mithraism would be dismantled and the family lines would use Christianity as their open system of control, the "underground" mechanism of Sol Invictus Mithras having served its purpose). This use of Sol Invictus symbology on his coins is discussed in Barbiero page 165, and is also attested to in the notes to a translation of the works of the Christian polemicist and apologist Eusebius (c. AD 260 - c. AD 340). On page 207 of this edition of the works of Eusebius, we read a note from the editor to Eusebius' mention of a chi-rho coin which informs us that Constantine claimed to have seen the Christian chi-rho sign in the sky "resting over the sun," and that thereafter Constantine "continued to commemorate [the sun] on his coins as Sol Invictus (see Bruun, 'Sol'), whether out of numismatic conservatism (Barnes) or as a sign of solar monotheism."
  • There is evidence that early Christian leaders saw reverence to the sun as not at all incompatible with Christianity, with Pope Leo in a famous passage in his Christmas sermon of AD 460 declaring that: "This religion of the Sun is so highly respected that some Christians, before entering the basilica of St. Peter the apostle, dedicated to the one true living God, after climbing the steps that lead to the upper entrance hall, turn towards the Sun and bow their heads in honor of the bright star" (cited in Barbiero, 161). Tertullian also writes that "it is a well-known fact that we pray turning towards the rising sun" (Ad Nationes 1.13, cited in Barbiero "Two sides of the same coin," page 3). This connection between the sun and the "one true living God" described in the sermon by Pope Leo is in keeping with Constantine's use of both Sol Invictus imagery and Christian "chi-rho" symbology on his coins (Constantine evidently did not see anything contradictory or conflicted about the use of both).
  • In AD 386, a decree by the emperor Aurelian changed the name of the Christian day of worship from "the day of the sun" (Sunday being the first day of the week, in a significant change from the seventh-day Sabbath of antiquity) to "the day of the Lord" (Barbiero, 237).
  • The spread of the mithraea throughout the western empire (particularly in the vicinity of army barracks and organs of the government bureaucracy) parallels the spread of Christianity. Barbiero writes, "Wherever the representatives of Mithras arrived, there a Christian community immediately sprang up" ("Two sides of the same coin," page 9). Early bishop's sees were located in Britannia, Gaul, Spain, and North Africa -- the same places that legions were located and which are the sites of mithraea (Ibid).
  • Barbiero traces the progress through which the new Roman class of equites or "equestrians," to which the descendents of the family lines who had come to Rome with Titus and Vespasian after the fall of Judea belonged, gained access to the Senate and then progressively grew more and more powerful in the Senate. Dedicatory inscriptions reveal that as this process took place, more and more senators were members of Sol Invictus Mithras. However, upon the death of the last pater patrum of Sol Invictus Mithras, Flavio Barbiero notes that the entire Senate, that "stronghold of the cult of Mithras, discovered that it was totally Christian" (163, see also 241). In other words, the transition was remarkably smooth and bloodless -- indicating that Mithraism and Christianity were not at all the bitter rivals that the conventional narrative often paints them as being. They were, as Barbiero says, "two sides of the same coin."
These are by no means all the pieces of historical evidence which Flavio Barbiero musters to support his assertion that the institutions of Sol Invictus Mithras and literalist Christianity actually worked "hand in glove." Further, while this is a central part of his overall theory, there is much more to the theory, and that "much more" is itself supported by still further extensive evidence from other aspects of history.

In short, there is so much evidence to support this thesis that it simply cannot be ignored, and deserves careful consideration by everyone who wishes to explore the possible reasons for the suppression of the ancient celestial system of allegory which (I believe) was meant to preserve and to convey a sophisticated shamanic-holographic cosmology that was once widespread around the globe and which flourished in "the west" right up until the fourth century AD. The loss of this ancient wisdom, an inheritance belonging to all of humanity, is an absolutely watershed event in human history, and one which continues to impact our lives right up to the present day.


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Special note: if you have not yet seen it, you might be interested in this previous post discussing possible connections between Mithraism and the later Knights Templar.

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See you in San Mateo for the Secret Space Program and Breakaway Civilization Conference, 2014



Join me in San Mateo, California at the Secret Space Program and Breakaway Civilization Conference this month, June 28 & 29 (that's a Saturday and a Sunday).

The conference will be hosted by Red Ice Creations founder Henrik Palmgren (see video above), and will feature a lineup of important authors and speakers including Richard Dolan, Joseph P. Farrell, Catherine Austin Fitts, Mark McCandlish, Robert Morningstar, Jon Rappoport, Carol Rosin, and Michael Schratt.

They will be discussing important evidence which suggests that the "official story" has some serious inconsistencies and discrepancies, and that things you have been told to believe and never to question may actually be an elaborate veil of deception and misdirection.  This possibility is certainly in keeping with the subject matter explored on this blog -- see for instance the discussion in this previous post entitled "Piercing the fog of deception that hides the contours of history."

The topic is as appropriate to both the "official narrative" of the long sweep of history (from ancient times to the present) as it is to the narrative of more recent history (such as from the end of World War II to the present) -- and in fact, if it turns out that the conventional narrative for the long-term and the shorter-term are both false in important ways (as the evidence certainly suggests), it is very likely that the deception regarding the longer span of time (measured in centuries or even millennia) is related to the deception concerning the shorter (which is measured in decades).

The work of Joseph P. Farrell, in particular, bears directly upon some of the assertions in The Undying Stars, in which I present evidence primarily from mythology which suggests the existence of an extremely sophisticated ancient civilization, with a cosmology that appears to have anticipated quantum physics by many thousands of years and to have understood important aspects of DNA and (possibly) of many other technologies which we still have yet to regain.

The Undying Stars also presents evidence that this ancient knowledge (or what was left of it in the first centuries of our era) was deliberately stamped out by forces which perhaps wished to keep this information to themselves. Dr. Farrell's work is cited in numerous places throughout the book (this is not to imply that he endorses my conclusions or agrees with what I say in the book, only that his insightful analysis was very helpful to me in my own examination of the areas in which I choose to focus).

I will not be speaking at the event, but will have a table set up, where I will be happy to inscribe your copy of The Undying Stars, or answer your questions regarding any aspects of the subject matter covered in the book or in the pages of this blog (which goes back to April of 2011). I also plan to have copies of the book available for purchase there, both in hardcover and in the soon-to-be-released paperback version, and would be happy to inscribe copies purchased at the event, or copies that you purchase in advance and bring with you (if you prefer).

San Mateo, of course, is my hometown -- the very place on this planet where I was born, grew up, and went to high school -- and so when I learned that this conference would be held in San Mateo this year, I began making plans to try to be there.

I have fond memories of quiet predawn mornings spent standing on the train platform right across from the event center where the conference will be held, watching the trainers warming up their thoroughbred horses on the lighted track of Bay Meadows racecourse while I waited for my train.  The racetrack was just far enough away from the train platform for the sound of their hooves to be inaudible, and so they seemed to glide along in total silence under the bright lights, as the black of the night sky took on a deep blue color along the eastern horizon, heralding the approach of the sun.

The course is gone now, having passed into the history books, but I can attest to the fact that the direction that the horses raced around the oval track was the same direction as that followed in the games of antiquity, which is noted by ancient sources.  In Hamlet's Mill (1969), Giorgio de Santillana and Hertha von Dechend note that ancient authors describe a pyramid dedicated to the sun and altars dedicated to the moon and the five visible planets, which suggests that this motion of the horses and their racers was almost certainly designed to represent the motions of the planets of our solar system as they hurtle around the sun.

Tickets to the 2014 Secret Space Program Conference may be purchased by following this link.  I certainly hope to see you there.

below are some Red Ice interviews with speakers at the upcoming conference in San Mateo:

Richard Dolan:



Joseph P. Farrell:


Catherine Austin Fitts:


Mark McCandlish:


Robert Morningstar:


Jon Rappoport:


Carol Rosin:


Michael Schratt:


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Piercing the fog of deception that hides the contours of history


























image: Wikimedia commons

I believe that we are living at a crucial juncture in human history, but that in order to see why, it helps to have an accurate "map" of history, and of the contours and terrain which led up to this particular point in time.

Unfortunately, I also believe that the control of history has proven to be a powerful tool for those who want to control the thinking of others, and to condition their acceptance of certain actions and depredations and violations of human liberty and of natural universal law.  False historical narratives can be used to lend a "veil of legitimacy" to actions which are anything but legitimate.  These have acted like a blanket of fog to cloak the true outlines of history under a cloud of deception.

False historical narratives can act like a well-crafted movie, into which audiences immerse themselves and -- through the "suspension of disbelief" -- which huge numbers of people come to see as real, imbuing them with a kind of reality that is a function of their desire to believe that the narrative is true (the Star Wars movies might be a good example of fictional "fantasy" which large numbers of people imbue with enough reality that they actually take on a sort of life of their own, and are treated as if they are real events with real people inhabiting real places, even though they are clearly a work of fiction created in movie studios using cameras and special effects).

There is a huge amount of evidence which suggests that the conventional historical narratives which have been institutionalized in many "western" countries over the course of the past few centuries -- beginning during the "Enlightenment" and refined and reinforced and strengthened in each succeeding century -- are severely flawed, particularly with regards to ancient history but also regarding the history of "the west" since the so-called "fall" of the Roman Empire.  

Using such an intentionally false historical "map" to try to determine where we are in history will almost certainly lead to wildly incorrect conclusions.  This is why the control of the historical narrative is often a very central component of mind control and the control of populations not primarily through the threat of physical force but rather through propaganda, misinformation, and the creation of "fantasy worlds" which they buy into and imbue with a sort of artificial life.

The Undying Stars presents abundant evidence which suggests that the real narrative of history is far different -- and far more bizarre -- than the conventional fantasy narrative which is force-fed to the population (primarily through the school system from kindergarten through college, but also through various media outlets and historical programs).  Many aspects of this evidence have been discussed to some degree on the pages of this blog over the course of the past four years; below is a simplified list of some of the assertions explored in The Undying Stars, along with links to blog posts from the past which touch on the various assertions in the list.  The evidence examined strongly supports the following conclusions:

  • The scriptures of both the Old and New Testaments are founded upon celestial allegories, ingeniously incorporating allegories relating to the human body at the same time, likely designed to impart profound esoteric teachings regarding the nature of the universe and the nature of human existence.
  • The esoteric teachings and the system of celestial and human-body allegories indicate that the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments are in fact close kin to other ancient sacred traditions found the world over, designed to impart the same ancient wisdom to humanity (contrary to the conventional view that they somehow stand apart and are of a completely different character and convey a completely different message than that found in the "pagan" mythologies).
  • These ancient traditions seem to have included an understanding of the universe that is what we today might call "holographic," and that it included the knowledge of the possibility and even of the necessity of various forms of shamanic travel or ecstasy, including contact with or travel to the "spirit realm," also described as the "hidden realm" or (in modern terms) the "implicate realm."  
  • This ancient understanding of the universe may also have included advanced technologies very different from today's technology, and may help explain some of the amazing accomplishments of whatever civilization or civilizations preceded the known civilizations of history, accomplishments that the conventional historical paradigm absolutely cannot explain, and which include the construction of what appears to be a "world-wide grid" which demonstrates an understanding of our planet which appears to go beyond the full grasp of even our most modern science.
  • While the full glory of this extremely ancient knowledge appears to have vanished before the arrival of the first historically-known ancient civilizations, some strong remnants of the ancient knowledge clearly survived into ancient historical times.  The end of the ancient understanding in "the west" -- and its attendant "shamanic-holographic" rituals and techniques, appears to closely coincide with the advent of the literalist-historicist interpretation of the ancient scriptures, especially those which we call today the Old and New Testaments.  
  • The rise of literalism corresponded with a deliberate and sometimes violent suppression of the esoteric and the gnostic interpretation, and of those who were teachers of such an interpretation.  Evidence of the suppression of texts that were difficult or impossible to paper-over with a literalist interpretation include the texts that were found buried at Nag Hammadi.  However, the scriptures that did survive into the Old and New Testaments, while given a literalist spin, still testify clearly to their original esoteric origin and intent.
  • On the European continent, the new literalist religion (wedded to the power of the Roman Empire) waged long and bloody but ultimately successful campaigns to absorb the Germanic and Celtic cultures and others in the broader region, and replace their original sacred traditions with the literalist religion.
  • The suppression of those who understood the shamanic-holographic vision and who opposed the literalist revolution may have led to the escape of at least some of the non-literalist contingent westward across the oceans -- to the lands we call the "New World" (which had been known to the ancients for many centuries, even prior to the literalist revolution we are discussing here).  There is evidence that they interacted with the native American people and cultures they encountered there.
  • Later, when the literalists gained enough power and the technology to do so, they also crossed the ocean, and treated the people they found there with ferocious violence and barbarity -- possibly because they were still incensed at the escape of many non-literalists to that continent, centuries before.  They also deliberately destroyed as much of their literature as they could get their hands on, perhaps as part of the cover-up for the literalist revolution they had perpetrated and the legitimacy of which they still wished to maintain.
  • The suppression of the shamanic-holographic and of the esoteric appears to continue to this day.  With it, of course, comes a suppression (and oppression) of men and women, a suppression of freedom, and a suppression of the pursuit of consciousness.
I hope that you will take the time to examine the evidence and lines of argument presented in The Undying Stars.  I believe that if replacing the truth about the history of mankind with a fabricated cover-story can act as a component of mind control, then seeing through this cover-story and beginning to perceive the outlines of the real contours of human history can be an important step on the pathway to freedom, consciousness, and the escape from mind control.



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Clear evidence of ancient trans-oceanic contact on every US map


The previous post ("The Smithsonian cover-up") discussed the "Powell doctrine" of John Wesley Powell (1834 - 1902), first director of the US Bureau of Ethnology, which declared illegitimate all attempts to connect any artifacts found in the New World  with any of the ancient peoples in "other portions of the world."  

This flatly "isolationist" policy placed all "diffusionist" lines of analysis strictly "outside the pale" of accepted academic discourse, and it remains firmly in effect to this day (diffusionist theories entertain the possibility of ancient cultural contact across the oceans and the "diffusion" of cultures and ideas between the continents prior to the time of Columbus).  

If you don't believe the Powell doctrine is still in effect, just try walking into any history department of any college or university in the United States and inquiring about a professorship, while expressing your enthusiastic support for the study of ancient trans-oceanic contact with the New World and the clear possibility of cultural diffusion between (for instance) the ancient cultures of the Mediterranean and the peoples living in the Americas stretching back to the centuries "B.C.", and see how far that gets you.  

That post also examined circumstantial evidence, in the form of Powell's dedicatory letter found in his first report (dated 1880, and covering his bureau's activities from its inception by act of Congress in 1879), that this strictly isolationist policy did not simply originate from Powell's own predilections and opinions, but that it was imparted to him by the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute, and that the Secretary himself received his marching orders from some other unnamed persons, presumably persons of some power and influence.  

Powell describes his bureau's research to the Secretary in that letter in these words: "the general direction of which was confided to you" -- as in, somebody communicated the general direction of the research that the Bureau of Ethnology would pursue to the Secretary of the Smithsonian, and the Secretary of the Smithsonian passed on those instructions to John Wesley Powell.  The words "was confided" lend a somewhat mysterious air to the reference, and the passive voice of the construction allow Powell to avoid specifying the subject of the phrase (that is, allowing him to avoid naming the person or parties doing the confiding).

We can also infer that this strictly isolationist policy (and the anathema it imposed upon any diffusionist analysis) was not simply due to Powell's own preferences by the fact that this dogma has continued to guide the policy of the Smithsonian Institute, and to be enforced by the conventional academic world at large, long after the departure from this world of John Wesley Powell, his superior the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute, and all the rest of his generation.

In the intervening 135 years (that is to say, an entire century plus another three-and-a-half decades) since 1879, any artifacts discovered in the New World containing inscriptions using a writing system that clearly belongs to the cultures of the Old World have either been studiously ignored (in hopes that they will go away if few enough people ever hear about them) or immediately declared to be transparent hoaxes (this method is generally employed whenever artifacts with ancient writing on them gain enough popular attention that the "ignore and hope they go away" method simply won't work).  

In some special cases, such as the case of the writing system used by the Mi'kmaq nation of First Nations native peoples, neither of the above two methods would suffice.  Their writing system, which is attested to by documents stretching back into the 1700s, so clearly resembles the ancient hieroglyphs of the Egyptians that it can neither be denied nor ignored, and it certainly cannot be declared a fraud or a hoax, and so the conventional explanation is that Christian missionaries must have created the writing system for the tribes, and they chose to create a writing system based upon Egyptian hieroglyphs.  

Why Christian missionaries in the 1700s chose to use ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs when creating a system of writing for the Mi'kmaq is hard to fathom (especially since the Rosetta Stone had yet to be re-discovered or deciphered), and how this ridiculous explanation is somehow less insulting to the Native Americans than the possibility that ancient cultures were capable of occasional (or even sustained) contact across the oceans in the time of ancient Egypt remains difficult to comprehend, but apparently the supporters of the Powell doctrine think that such a convoluted hypothesis is preferable to the alternative.

Unfortunately for those who have managed to keep this equivalent of the "flat earth theory" the only permissible worldview taught in schools (from pre-school through post-graduate school), there is simply so much evidence staring people right in the face that eventually the illusion is bound to break down.  

One of the glaring pieces of evidence can be found on any map of the United States, and it is shown on the map above -- the name of the state of Iowa.  The name of this state comes from the Native American people related to the Sioux, the Iowa or Ioway people.  Regardless of the explanations for the origin of this name found on Wikipedia, it is undeniable that the name "Iowa" has clear linguistic parallels to the sacred name used in ancient Mediterranean cultures, including the sacred name of the Hebrews which is rendered by the "tetragrammaton" or four letters and which has been sometimes expanded with vowels to be rendered as "Jehovah" and "Yahweh."  

This name was and is considered so sacred by some cultures that it cannot be pronounced or written, and it is often written in ways which distinguish it as sacred.  For example, in many ancient Hebrew documents which use the "square" Hebrew lettering, it would be written using the older, "rounder" lettering known as Paleo-Hebrew (these four letters in Paleo-Hebrew are depicted on the map above, and are written from right to left).

And, while some might argue that the Iowa tribe's name derived from some other source and has nothing to do with the ancient sacred name of the Hebrews -- that this is just a linguistic coincidence, in other words -- it is a fact that other Native American peoples used the same name or something very similar to it in ways that make coincidence less and less likely.  

For instance, in an essay discussing the "Michigan cuneiform tablets" (which are discussed tangentially in previous posts here and here and which are examined more thoroughly in a book by Henriette Mertz entitled The Mystic Symbol: Mark of the Michigan Mound-Builders), analyst and author David Allen Deal notes that: "James Adair reported that the Cherokees, among whom he lived, chanted the sacred letters: 'YO (you), He, Wa (waw),' =YHW as they danced around their sacred fire, and observed a fall harvest feast as did the Israelites" (in "The Mystic Symbol Demystified," by David Allen Deal, which is included in the above-linked book by Henriette Mertz; this quotation is found on page 170).

Also, in the record made by Frank Waters based on the oral accounts of Hopi elders which he tape recorded in the 1950s (and which those elders examined for accuracy prior to his publication of the sacred traditions in book form as The Book of the Hopi in 1963), the name of the Creator is Taiowa (see for instance pages 5 - 20).  The fact that the Cherokee and the Hopi also use the sacred name or variants of the sacred name of the Hebrew scriptures is a strong argument for some ancient contact across the oceans.  This previous post discusses evidence that inscriptions in New Mexico attest to ancient contact with Hebrew-speaking peoples in pre-Columbian times -- that post is also dependent upon the excellent analysis of David Allen Deal.

David Allen Deal also notes that the Native American name given to the "Mound Builder" cultures (whom so many among the general public during the nineteenth century wanted to believe had connections to ancient Israel, an idea which John Wesley Powell and the Smithsonian Institute wanted to suppress) was "Tallegewi" (also rendered "Allegewi" and ultimately "Allegheny," a name which is also found on modern American maps).  In an essay entitled "Michigan Solar Eclipse Tablet and Mound Builder City," which is also contained in the Mystic Symbol book linked above, David Allen Deal notes that the name "Tallegewi" for the Mound Builders was recorded among the Leni Lenape or Delaware nation by John Heckewelder (1743 - 1823), and "that name is certainly Hebrew."  

He writes: 
In Hebrew Tel means "hill or mound" (tel-y is plural) and gew-y means "my nation" or "nations" (plural again).  So Tely-gewy in Hebrew means "mound nations."  And that is what they were.  194
We can see examples of the word "Tel" in modern "Tel Aviv" and the word "gew" (for "nations") in the familiar term goyim.

These linguistic connections make it very unlikely that the word "IOWA" is simply a coincidental connection to the ancient Hebrew sacred name.

Note also that this sacred name is not found solely among the Hebrews.  The name of the supreme Olympian diety, Jove, is liguistically identical to the word "IOWA" as well.   This name is related to Zeus and to Jupiter (Ju-pater, or "Jove the Father" in Latin).  Alvin Boyd Kuhn expounds at some length on this theme in Lost Light, saying: 
For many thousands of years before Christ, the prototype of all coming saviors was the Egyptian Iusa.  The name is from Iu (Ia, Ie, Io or Ja, Je, Jo, Ju), the original name of biune divinity, combined with the Egyptian suffix sa (or se, si, su, or saf, sef, sif, suf), meaning, with the grammatical masculine "f," the male heir, son, successor, or prince.  Iusa then means the son of the divine father Iu (Ju-piter, "father god"), or the son of Ihuh (Jehovah).  He was Iu, coming as the su, or son.  His mother in the Atum cult was Iusaas.  He was God the son, the prince, the heir.  He was the original of all Jesus figures, of whom there are some twenty or more by the name of Jesus (Joshua, Jesse, Joses, Hosea, Isaiah, Isaac, Esau, Josiah, Joash, Jehoaz, Jehoahaz, Job, Jonah, Joel and others) both in the Old Testament and outside of it.  544.
There are many other ancient connections to this sacred name which is found occupying a prominent position in both the cultures of the Old World and the cultures of the "New World" in the Americas.  

The evidence for cultural "diffusion" (and against the isolationist dictums of John Wesley Powell, the Smithsonian Institute, and conventional academia) is impossible to deny, and it is staring us right in the face (every time we look at a map of the US).  It cannot be "explained away" using their usual tactics of "ignoring it and hoping it goes away," or "transparent nineteenth-century fraud or hoax," or even the special excuse of "the missionaries brought it."

There must be a very big reason why the powers-that-be find it so important to deny the clear evidence of ancient trans-oceanic contact.


link to original 1848 map in Wikimedia commons.




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The Smithsonian Cover-up







































John Wesley Powell (1834 - 1902, image above from Wikimedia commons) was made the first director of the Bureau of Ethnology in the United States in 1879, which was established that same year by an Act of Congress, a position he held until his death in 1902.  

That bureau, which changed its name to the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1897, was directly connected to the Smithsonian Institution, which had been established in 1846 through the will of the British chemist James Smithson (1765 - 1829) and funded by his bequest of 105 sacks of about 1,000 gold sovereigns each, and pursued the mission of organizing all the anthropological research in the nation.

In his first year as head of the Bureau of Ethnology, Powell submitted the first of his Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute, dated July 1880 and covering the Bureau of Ethnology's efforts for 1879-1880.  The entire report can be seen online here among other places.  

Beginning on page 73 of that publication is a famous essay by Powell entitled "On Limitations to the Use of Some Anthropologic Data."  In it, Powell sets forth the doctrine which would become the guiding principle of his Bureau of American Ethnology and of the Smithsonian at large all the way through the present day, a strictly isolationist doctrine which flatly declares that it is "illegitimate" to entertain any line of analysis which attempts to connect any artifacts found in the New World with any "peoples or so-called races of antiquity in other portions of the world."  

A reproduction of the letter, with the passages emphasizing this isolationist doctrine highlighted in yellow, can be found online here as well.

The motivations behind this strict imposition of the isolationist paradigm and flat rejection of the examination of any possibility of diffusionist explanations (which propose the possibility that there was contact across the oceans prior to the arrival of Columbus) can and have been debated.  Many biographers and vignettes emphasize the "tremendous respect" Powell had for the native tribes of North America and some have suggested that his support for an isolationist doctrine was based upon that respect for the Native Americans and the view that any theory proposing ancient pre-Columbian contact with "peoples or so-called races of antiquity in other portions of the world" must automatically be disrespectful to the native peoples here, or even based upon some kind of racist animus.  

It is certainly likely from some of the episodes of Powell's life that he did in fact have tremendous respect for the Native Americans.  However, it is undeniable that Powell's own 1879 essay displays some extremely paternalistic and disrespectful generalizations, including his assertions in the second part of the essay (entitled "Picture Writing," beginning on page 75 of the above-linked version of the 1879 report) that the "pictographs" found in North America are "simply the beginning of pictorial art" and in almost all cases "simply mnemonic" -- possessed of no systematic or as Powell calls it, "conventional," structure by which ideas could be preserved using symbols that possessed a common meaning agreed upon by all who understood that system (i.e., whose meaning was agreed-upon by convention across a large number of people, thus constituting a writing-system).  

In this astonishing denial of the existence of writing systems, Powell explicitly includes even the obvious writing-systems of the Maya and the Inca and other cultures of Central and South America, whose artifacts were by no means unknown to him and to the other employees of the Bureau of Ethnology (in fact, the 1879 report contains long sections dealing with "Central American Picture Writing," and many of the other annual reports discuss the artifacts and culture of the Maya and Inca and other civilizations in detail).  Nevertheless, Powell asserts in his letter that:
To some slight extent pictographs are found with characters more or less conventional, and the number of such is quite large in Mexico and Central America.  Yet even these conventional characters are used with others less conventional in such a manner that perfect records were never made.
Such a statement is extremely paternalistic, and effectively denies the existence of any true systematic writing systems, even among the cultures of Mexico and Central America!  Based upon this false assertion, Powell then declares: "Hence it will be seen that it is illegitimate to use any pictographic matter of a date anterior to the discovery of the continent by Columbus for historic purposes."  By this declaration, Powell effectively discarded any and all artifacts containing writing from consideration of historic analysis, and in doing so protected his earlier declaration that any contact with peoples from "other portions of the world" is plainly "illegitimate."  

Thus, none of the numerous inscriptions and artifacts which clearly attest to the possibility of ancient contact -- many of which have been discussed in previous posts on this blog and many more of which have been detailed in numerous published books -- could be considered as evidence which might challenge the isolationist dogma.  Some of those artifacts containing evidence of writing which strongly supports the possibility of ancient contact are discussed in the following previous posts:
And there are hundreds of other examples which could be discussed in addition to the evidence discussed in those posts.  To simply refuse to consider any such evidence at all is unscientific to the extreme, and yet it has been the implicit or explicit policy of the Smithsonian since the days of John Wesley Powell.

The fact that the Smithsonian has not changed their policy of refusing to consider any artifacts which might suggest the possibility of pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact with the "New World" is evident from the controversy over the Bat Creek Stone found in 1889 in Tennessee, which the Smithsonian recently (early in 2014) called "an obvious fraud" in their response to Scott Wolter's discussion of the artifact on his America Unearthed program on the History Channel.  Scott Wolter's response to the Smithsonian's dismissive belittling of his examination of the Bat Creek Stone, and their ad hominem attacks on Wolter himself as lacking in "qualifications and reputation as a researcher," can be seen here.  His response also includes expressions of regret towards the Smithsonian's dismissal of the Bat Creek Stone from representatives of the Cherokee people, who did possess a system of writing and who told the Smithsonian that if they are so sure that the stone is a fraud, the Cherokee can take the stone back and rebury it where it was found out of respect to those who originally produced it.

Recently, a new aspect of the Smithsonian's policy of refusing to countenance any artifacts that might pose a challenge to Powell's "doctrine" of isolationism has received a lot of publicity in light of the publication of Richard Dewhurst's new book Ancient Giants Who Ruled North America: the Missing Skeletons and the Great Smithsonian Cover-Up (briefly discussed in this previous post).  Richard Dewhurst used the capabilities of modern search engines to examine the archives of US newspapers going back to the early 1800s and found hundreds of published descriptions of giant skeletons being unearthed across the North American continent, many of them containing photographs.  

He also found evidence that, while the Smithsonian in its early years was an enthusiastic documenter of such discoveries, the arrival of John Wesley Powell marked a dramatic change in the Smithsonian's attitude and policy towards such finds, to such an extent that Dewhurst was forced to conclude that: "What my research has revealed is that the Smithsonian has been at the center of a vast cover-up of America's true history since the 1880s" (3).  He documents numerous cases in which representatives from the Smithsonian arrived on the scene of any reported discoveries of giant skeletons with remarkable rapidity (sometimes within one or two days, even in the late 1800s and even when the archaeological find was in remote regions of the American west) and in which skeletons reported as being turned over to the Smithsonian were never seen again.  

Today, if one searches the internet for the terms "Smithsonian cover up," the predominant results will have to do with the cover-up of giant skeletons.   Richard Dewhurst believes that the motives for what he calls the "Powell doctrine" of suppressing and denying any archaeological evidence that could indicate the presence of other ancient peoples in the Americas or contact with ancient cultures from across the oceans may have sprang from the fact that John Wesley Powell's father was a Methodist preacher in Palmyra, New York (Powell himself was obviously named after John Wesley, 1703 - 1791, the founder of Methodism), where Joseph Smith first published the Book of Mormon in 1830 and where the early enthusiasm of the people of the area for the new revelations caused Powell's father to lose his congregation (as Richard Dewhurst explains in a footnote on page 6 as a likely motive for Powell's animus towards any diffusionist theories).

Richard Dewhurst also believes that the distasteful US policy of "Manifest Destiny" and the efforts of the federal government following the Civil War to seize the territory to the west of the Mississippi and to suppress the Native Americans who lived there played a role in the Smithsonian's (and Powell's) desire to characterize the native peoples of the continent as primitive barbarians, incapable of producing anything more than "the most rudimentary picture making," (Dewhurst, 6).  Dewhurst proposes that such a doctrine may have been deployed in order to help convince the population to support the aggressive plans to exploit the lands of the Native Americans.

If so, then the "Powell doctrine" probably did not originate with Powell himself, but would have likely been the determined policy of a number of other government officials.  At the front of Powell's first annual report (containing his essay declaring as "illegitimate" any attempts to connect any artifacts found in the New World with cultures from anywhere else) is an introductory letter from Powell to Spencer F. Baird, the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute, in which Powell says the following: 
Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith the first annual report of the operations of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
By act of Congress, an appropriation was made to continue researches in North American anthropology, the general direction of which was confided to yourself.  As chief executive officer of the Smithsonian Institution, you entrusted to me the immediate control of the affairs of the Bureau.  This report, with its appended papers, is designed to exhibit the methods and results of my administration of this trust. 
If any measure of success has been attained, it is largely due to general instructions received from yourself and the advice you have ever patiently given me on all matters of importance.
I am indebted to my assistants, whose labors are delineated in the report, for their industry, hearty co-operation, and enthusiastic love of the science.  Only through their zeal have your plans been executed.
Much assistance has been rendered the Bureau by a large body of scientific men engaged in the study of anthropology, some of whose names have been mentioned in the report and accompanying papers, and others will be put on record when the subject-matter of their writings is fully published.
I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
J.W. POWELL
While this introductory and dedicatory letter may simply be an example of "polite formalities" or conventional platitudes within a government bureaucracy, in keeping with the style and traditions of the period, it is also possible in light of the topic being discussed that it contains evidence that Powell's doctrine did not originate with Powell himself, but was part of a policy transmitted by the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution whose office was in Washington, DC, and of other men in Washington as well.  The highlighted areas (all highlighting is my own and is not found in the original document) seem to support such a possibility, with Powell referencing a "general direction" which "was confided" to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Spencer Baird by some unnamed parties (presumably parties connected with Congress, whose authorizing act for the creation of the Bureau of Ethnology was mentioned immediately prior to this mysterious assertion), and "the advice you have ever patiently given me on all matters of importance," and his declaration that "your plans [have] been executed."

The likelihood that what Dewhurst calls "the Powell doctrine" has roots far deeper than Powell himself (or even Powell's animus towards diffusionist theories due to the loss of his father's congregation) is evident from the fact that the Smithsonian's policy of refusing to entertain any possibility of ancient contact across the oceans and its haste to declare any artifacts containing inscriptions which might employ the known writing systems of ancient Mediterranean cultures as frauds or hoaxes has continued long after the death of John Wesley Powell, and continues to this day.  

This continuing refusal to examine artifacts containing inscriptions such as those mentioned in the list of previous posts above and reflexive labeling of such artifacts as either fraudulent or the products of post-Columbian contact cannot be explained by the Powell family's personal experiences in Palmyra, New York.  Nor, it seems, can the benighted and repulsive nineteenth-century belief in "Manifest Destiny" be the reason that the Smithsonian continued to enforce the "Powell doctrine" throughout the twentieth century, long after the United States had seized all of the lands of the Native Americans between the Mississippi and the Pacific Ocean, and most of the citizens of the country had forgotten that their land had once belonged to someone else.  Is it possible that there is some other motive which lies behind the Smithsonian's ongoing policy of anti-diffusionism?

Personally, I am not an expert on the "giant skeletons" controversy.  While it certainly seems, based upon the prodigious volume of reports and descriptions and even photographs (see, for instance, the photograph below from 1940 published in the San Antonio Express), that such skeletons have been found throughout the Americas in some numbers, and that the absence of any such skeletons on display at the Smithsonian National Museum is suspicious, I also believe it is a mistake to focus entirely on giant skeletons when talking about a "Smithsonian cover-up."  

The easiest way for defenders of the Powell doctrine to deflect such cover-up arguments is to argue that such "giant skeletons" were simply the remains of some isolated individuals exhibiting traits of giantism, to point out that enthusiasm over giants and the possibility of ancient trans-oceanic contact was rife in the nineteenth century (much of it fueled, it must be noted, by religious agendas and a desire to support literalist interpretations of the Bible or by the newly published Book of Mormon), and to argue that whatever skeletons may have been uncovered in those early decades were lost or crumbled to dust and were not maliciously squirreled-away in the bowels of the Smithsonian's warehouses.  

I certainly do not agree that these counter-arguments settle the case, and believe that Richard Dewhurst's analysis of the evidence of giant remains (and other such analysis by other researchers, such as the analysis in this essay found in several places on the web) is extremely valuable and worthy of careful consideration.  I also believe that all dogmatic declarations that the facts of the matter are settled and that no further analysis is legitimate (whatever the subject) should be treated with great suspicion (see discussions to that effect in previous posts such as this one, this one, this one and this one, for example).  Nevertheless, I also believe that the "giant skeleton" aspect of the "Smithsonian cover-up" question could become a huge red herring which falsely divides the debate in the eyes of the general public into two camps, those who believe America was once home to a race of giants, and those who generally side with the Powell doctrine.  

The Powell doctrine excludes a whole lot more evidence than giant skeletons, as the recent Bat Creek Stone controversy demonstrates.  There is abundant evidence that there was ancient contact across the oceans, most of it involving human beings of what we might call "normal" (or at least non-gigantic) stature.  As far as I know, no one is maintaining that the giants whose skeletons have been found throughout the Americas were the authors of inscriptions using known "Old World" writing systems including Hebrew, Egyptian (both hieroglyphic and hieratic), Phoenician/Punic, Ogham, cuneiform, runic, Iberian, Libyan, and Roman, but many of these have been found in the Americas and conventional scholars either ignore them, declare them to be frauds or hoaxes, or explain them away as artifacts which were brought to the Americas by Europeans after Columbus and either lost or given to Native Americans (this is the explanation for the small cuneiform tablet which Chief Joseph had in his possession when he surrendered to the US Army, described in this previous post linked above).  Many other forms of evidence for ancient trans-oceanic contact have been found, such as the amphorae at the bottom of Guanabara Bay in Brazil, and the mummies and other evidence listed in this previous post describing the "Calixtlahuaca head" (which is itself another artifact attesting to ancient trans-oceanic contact).

To the extent that the Powell doctrine and the ongoing policy of the Smithsonian and the rest of conventional academia ignores or devalues these artifacts, and discourages their honest appraisal by professional scholars, the search for the truth is greatly inhibited.  What professional scholar wants to risk ridicule and marginalization by publishing an examination of any of these pieces of evidence, at least one that reaches conclusions which contradict the oppressive official policy of the Powell doctrine?

Clearly, the so-called Powell doctrine did not originate with John Wesley Powell alone, and its ongoing enforcement throughout academia (and at the Smithsonian) is evidence that its roots go far deeper than John Wesley Powell himself.  Its continuing effect of suppressing open-minded examination of the evidence cannot simply be explained by Powell's personal views of the Native American peoples, or the personal impact his family may have experienced due to the "lost tribes" enthusiasms of the nineteenth century in general and the beginnings of the Mormon religion in particular.  Nor can its continuing impact be attributable to the nineteenth-century doctrine of "Manifest Destiny" (although perhaps related to the latest incarnation of that vicious doctrine).   

I believe that there is a bigger reason why powerful forces believe that evidence of ancient trans-oceanic contact must be suppressed, one that involves the spreading of illusions about history which powerful interests find extremely valuable for the public to accept.  The control of history can certainly be a form of very powerful mind control -- and the single-mindedness evident in the efforts of John Wesley Powell (and of the Smithsonian Institute since 1879) demonstrates just how important this control of history must be to someone's agenda.














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